Tuesday, November 23, 2004
Philosophy in Africa
Ubuntu:
An African Assessment of the Religious Other
Dirk J. LouwUniversity of the Northlouwd@pixie.co.za or dirkl@unin.unorth.ac.za
ABSTRACT: The decolonization of Africa, of which the dismantling of apartheid in South Africa is the most recent example, has led to a greater recognition of the wide variety of religions practising on its soil. When confronted with this plurality, and the corresponding plurality of claims to truth or credibility, believers often resort to absolutism. The absolutist evaluates the religious other in view of criteria which violate the self-understanding of the latter. The religious other is thus being colonized by a hegemony (i.e., an enforced homogeneity) of norms and values. This paper deals with an assessment of the faith of others which transcends absolutism without resorting to relativism. More specifically, it aims to show that an African philosophy and way of life called ‘Ubuntu’ (humanness) significantly overlaps with such a ‘decolonized’ assessment of the religious other, and that this assessment can therefore also be explained, motivated or underscored with reference to the concept of Ubuntu.
Introduction: A decolonized assessment
The decolonization of Africa, of which the dismantling of apartheid in South Africa is a recent example, led to a greater recognition of the wide variety of religions practising on its soil. When confronted with this plurality, and the corresponding plurality of claims to truth or credibility, believers usually resort to either absolutism or relativism. The absolutist evaluates the religious other in view of criteria which violate the self-understanding of the latter. The religious other is thus being colonized by a hegemony (i.e. an enforced homogeneity) of norms and values. In an attempt to transcend this hegemonic colonization, the relativist, on the other hand, simply surrenders the evaluation of beliefs and practices to subjective arbitrariness.
This paper deals with an assessment of the faith of others which transcends absolutism without resorting to relativism. More specifically, it aims to show that an African philosophy and way of life called "Ubuntu" (humanness) significantly overlaps with such a "decolonized" assessment of the religious other, and that this assessment can therefore also be explained, motivated or underscored with reference to the concept of Ubuntu. Much can and has already been said about the presuppositions and requirements of such an assessment. However, for the purposes of this paper I would like to concentrate on only three of these, viz.: (1) a respect for the other as a religious other; (2) an agreement on criteria, i.e. a common scale in view of which the adherents of different religious traditions may jointly judge these traditions; and (3) an interreligious dialogue or "mutual exposure" (cf. Taylor, 1985:125) of beliefs, which as such respects the particularity, individuality and historicality of these beliefs, and from which this common scale will emerge (if at all). I shall now briefly turn to each of these requirements and the way in which they are met by Ubuntu.
(1) Ubuntu and religion
Ubuntu (a Zulu word) serves as the spiritual foundation of African societies. It is a unifying vision or world view enshrined in the Zulu maxim umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu, i.e. "a person is a person through other persons" (Shutte, 1993:46). At bottom, this traditional African aphorism articulates a basic respect and compassion for others. It can be interpreted as both a factual description and a rule of conduct or social ethic. It both describes human being as "being-with-others" and prescribes what "being-with-others" should be all about. As such, Ubuntu adds a distinctly African flavour and momentum to a decolonized assessment of the religious other. In fact, the various overlaps between such an assessment and the African way of life as described/prescribed by Ubuntu, make this assessment nothing but an enactment of the African Ubuntu.
The first important overlap between Ubuntu and a decolonized assessment of the religious other, has to do with a fundamental presupposition of this assessment, viz. a respect for the other as a religious other. While Western Humanism tends to underestimate or even deny the importance of religious beliefs, Ubuntu or African Humanism is resiliently religious (Prinsloo, 1995:4). For the Westerner, the maxim "A person is a person through other persons" has no obvious religious connotations. He/she will probably interpret it as nothing but a general appeal to treat others with respect and decency. However, in African tradition this maxim has a deeply religious meaning. The person one is to become "through other persons" is, ultimately, an ancestor. And, by the same token, these "other persons" include ancestors. Ancestors are extended family. Dying is an ultimate homecoming. Not only the living must therefore share with and care for each other, but the living and the dead depend on each other (Van Niekerk, 1994:2; Ndaba, 1994:13-14).
This accords with the daily experience of many Africans. For example, at a calabash, which is an African ritual which involves the drinking of beer (cf. Broodryk, 1997a:16), a little bit of beer is often poured on the ground for consumption by ancestors. And, as is probably well known, many Africans also belief in God through the mediation of ancestors (Broodryk, 1997a:15). In African society there is an inextricable bond between man, ancestors and whatever is regarded as the Supreme Being. Ubuntu thus inevitably implies a deep respect and regard for religious beliefs and practices (Teffo, 1994a:9).
(2) Ubuntu and consensus
A second important overlap between Ubuntu and a decolonized assessment of the religious other, pertains to the extremely important role which agreement or consensus plays within this assessment. Without a common scale, i.e. without an interreligious agreement or consensus on criteria, the beliefs and practices of the religious other simply cannot be judged without violating them. Ubuntu underscores the importance of agreement or consensus. African traditional culture, it seems, has an almost infinite capacity for the pursuit of consensus and reconciliation (Teffo, 1994a:4). Democracy the African way does not simply boil down to majority rule. Traditional African democracy operates in the form of (sometimes extremely lengthy) discussions (cf. Busia, 1967:28). Although there may be a hierarchy of importance among the speakers, every person gets an equal chance to speak up until some kind of an agreement, consensus or group cohesion is reached. This important aim is expressed by words like simunye ("we are one", i.e. "unity is strength") and slogans like "an injury to one is an injury to all" (Broodryk, 1997a:5, 7, 9).
However, the desire to agree, which—within the context of Ubuntu—is supposed to safeguard the rights and opinions of individuals and minorities, is often exploited to enforce group solidarity. Because of its extreme emphasis on community, Ubuntu democracy might be abused to legitimize what Sono calls the "constrictive nature" or "tyrannical custom" of a derailed African culture, especially its "totalitarian communalism" which "...frowns upon elevating one beyond the community" (1994:xiii, xv). The role of the group in African consciousness, says Sono, could be
...overwhelming, totalistic, even totalitarian. Group psychology, though parochially and narrowly based..., nonetheless pretends universality. This mentality, this psychology is stronger on belief than on reason; on sameness than on difference. Discursive rationality is overwhelmed by emotional identity, by the obsession to identify with and by the longing to conform to. To agree is more important than to disagree; conformity is cherished more than innovation. Tradition is venerated, continuity revered, change feared and difference shunned. Heresies [i.e. the innovative creations of intellectual African individuals, or refusal to participate in communalism] are not tolerated in such communities (1994:7; cf. also Louw, 1995).
In short, although it articulates such important values as respect, human dignity and compassion, the Ubuntu desire for consensus also has a potential dark side in terms of which it demands an oppressive conformity and loyalty to the group. Failure to conform will be met by harsh punitive measures (cf. Mbigi & Maree, 1995:58; Sono, 1994:11, 17; Van Niekerk, 1994:4). Such a derailment of Ubuntu is, of course, quite unnecessary. The process of nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa does not, for example, require universal sameness or oppressive communalism. What it does require, is true Ubuntu. It requires an authentic respect for human/individual rights and related values, and an honest appreciation of differences (Sindane, 1994:7; Degenaar, 1996:23).
(3) Ubuntu and dialogue: particularity, individuality and historicality
This brings me to a third overlap between the Ubuntu way of life and a decolonized assessment of the religious other. As said, the common scale which will allow a decolonized evaluation of the religious other, will only emerge through interreligious dialogue or "mutual exposure". Such exposure epitomizes the conduct prescribed by Ubuntu. Ubuntu inspires us to expose ourselves to others, to encounter the difference of their humanness so as to inform and enrich our own (cf. Sidane, 1994:8-9). Thus understood, umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu translates as: "To be human is to affirm one's humanity by recognising the humanity of others in its infinite variety of content and form" (Van der Merwe, 1996:1). This translation of Ubuntu attests to a respect for particularity, individuality and historicality, without which decolonization cannot be.
The Ubuntu respect for the particularities of the beliefs and practices of others (cf. also Wiredu, 1995), is especially emphasised by a striking, yet (to my mind) lesser-known translation of umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu, viz.: "A human being is a human being through (the otherness of) other human beings" (Van der Merwe, 1996:1— italics mine). For post-apartheid South Africans of all colours, creeds and cultures, Ubuntu dictates that, if we were to be human, we need to recognise the genuine otherness of our fellow citizens. That is, we need to acknowledge the diversity of languages, histories, values and customs, all of which constitute South African society. For example: white South Africans tend to call all traditional African healing practices "witchcraft", and to label all such practitioners as "witchdoctors". However, close attention to the particularities of these practices would have revealed that there are at least five types of doctors in traditional African societies. And of these five, witchdoctors are being singled out as bad by Africans themselves, since they use parts of human bodies for medicine. By contrast, the co-operation of the other traditional healers is vital in primary health care initiatives, such as Aids education, family planning and immunisation programmes (Broodryk, 1997a:15; 1997b:63f). In this sense, but also in a more political sense, the Ubuntu emphasis on respect for particularity is vital for the survival of post-apartheid South Africa. In spite of our newly found democracy, civil or ethnic conflict cannot be ruled out. In fact, our multi-cultural democracy intensifies the various ethnic and socio-cultural differences. While democracy allows for legitimate claims to the institutionalisation of these differences, these claims are easily exploited for selfish political gain (Van der Merwe, 1996:1).
Ubuntu's respect for the particularity of the other, links up closely to its respect for individuality. But, be it noted, the individuality which Ubuntu respects, is not of Cartesian making. On the contrary, Ubuntu directly contradicts the Cartesian conception of individuality in terms of which the individual or self can be conceived without thereby necessarily conceiving the other. The Cartesian individual exists prior to, or separately and independently from the rest of the community or society. The rest of society is nothing but an added extra to a pre-existent and self-sufficient being. This "modernistic" and "atomistic" conception of individuality lies at the bottom of both individualism and collectivism (cf. Macquarrie, 1972:104). Individualism exaggerates seemingly solitary aspects of human existence to the detriment of communal aspects. Collectivism makes the same mistake, only on a larger scale. For the collectivist, society is nothing but a bunch or collection of separately existing, solitary (i.e. detached) individuals.
By contrast, Ubuntu defines the individual in terms of his/her relationship with others (Shutte, 1993:46ff). According to this definition, individuals only exist in their relationships with others, and as these relationships change, so do the characters of the individuals. Thus understood, the word "individual" signifies a plurality of personalities corresponding to the multiplicity of relationships in which the individual in question stands. Being an individual by definition means "being-with-others". "With-others", as Macquarrie rightly observes, "...is not added on to a pre-existent and self-sufficient being; rather, both this being (the self) and the others find themselves in a whole wherein they are already related" (1972:104). This is all somewhat boggling for the Cartesian mind, whose conception of individuality now has to move from solitary to solidarity, from independence to interdependence, from individuality vis-à-vis community to individuality à la community.
In the West, individualism often translates into an impetuous competitiveness. Individual interest rules supreme and society or others are regarded as nothing but a means to individual ends (cf. Khoza, 1994:4, 5, 7; Prinsloo, 1997:2). This is in stark contrast to the African preference for co-operation, group work or shosholoza ("work as one", i.e. team work). There are approximately 800 000 so-called "stokvels" in South Africa. Stokvels are joint undertakings or collective enterprises, such as savings clubs, burial societies and other (often formally registered) cooperatives. The stokvel economy might be described as capitalism with siza (humanness), or, if you like, a socialist form of capitalism. Making a profit is important, but never if it involves the exploitation of others. Profits are shared on an equal basis. As such, stokvels are based on the Ubuntu "extended family system", i.e. all involved should be considered as brothers and sisters, members of the same family (Broodryk, 1997a:4, 11, 13-14; 1997b:38f, 70f; Lukhele, 1990).
To be sure, the Ubuntu conception of individuality does seem contradictory. Ubuntu claims that the self or individual is constituted by its relations with others. But if this is so, what are the relations between? Can persons and personal relations really be equally primordial? (cf. Shutte, 1993:56). African thought addresses this (apparent) contradiction in the idea of seriti, i.e. an energy, power or force which is claimed to both make us ourselves and unite us in personal interaction with others (Shutte, 1993:55). This idea allows us to see the self and others as equiprimordial or as aspects of the same universal field of force. However, as Shutte observes, this "solution" of the contradiction posed by the Ubuntu conception of individuality, comes at a price:
...in the perspective opened up by the African idea of the universe as a field of forces, it is difficult to see how the existing individual can have any enduring reality at all, much less how he [or she - DJL] can be possessed of the freedom and responsibility that is usually reckoned the most valuable mark of personhood (1993:56).
Furthermore, like the Ubuntu desire for consensus, this inclusivist, collectivist or communalist conception of individuality can easily derail into an oppressive collectivism or communalism. This fact has evoked various responses from African authors. For example: while he lauds the "distinctive African" inclination towards collectivism and a collective sense of responsibility, Teffo (1994a:7, 12) is quick to add that the African conception of man does not negate individuality. It merely discourages the view that the individual should take precedence over the community. In the same vein, Khoza (1994:9; cf. also Prinsloo, 1995:4) challenges Ubuntu to create a balance between complete individual autonomy and homonymy, i.e. to broaden respect for the individual and purge collectivism of its negative elements. And Ndaba points out that
the collective consciousness evident in the African culture does not mean that the African subject wallows in a formless, shapeless or rudimentary collectivity...[It] simply means that the African subjectivity develops and thrives in a relational setting provided by ongoing contact and interaction with others (1994:14).
I concur. An oppressive communalism constitutes a derailment, an abuse of Ubuntu. By contrast, true Ubuntu incorporates dialogue, i.e. it incorporates both relation and distance. It preserves the other in his otherness, in his uniqueness, without letting him slip into the distance (cf. Macquarrie, 1972:110; Shutte, 1993:49, 51).
Ndaba's emphasis on the "ongoing-ness" of the contact and interaction with others on which the African subjectivity feeds, points to a final important ingredient of the "mutual exposure" prescribed by Ubuntu, viz. respecting the historicality of the other. Respecting the historicality of the other means respecting his/her dynamic nature or process nature. The flexibility of the other is well noted by Ubuntu. Or, as is sometimes claimed: "For the [African] humanist, life is without absolutes" (Teffo, 1994a:11). An Ubuntu perception of the other is never fixed or rigidly closed, but adjustable or open-ended. It allows the other to be, to become. It acknowledges the irreducibility of the other, i.e. it never reduces the other to any specific characteristic, conduct or function. This accords with the grammar of the concept "Ubuntu" which denotes both a state of being and one of becoming. As a process of self-realization through others, it enhances the self-realization of others (cf. also Broodryk, 1997a:5-7).
Conclusion: The uniqueness of Ubuntu
By highlighting the overlap between Ubuntu and a decolonized assessment of the religious other, I meant to show exactly why Ubuntu might be used to explain, motivate or underscore this decolonization, or why Ubuntu could add a distinctly African flavour and momentum to it. However, my argument will only hold water if what has been described here as a distinctly African philosophy and way of life, does in fact exist as such. Do Africans in fact adhere to Ubuntu or, at least, aspire to do so? And if so, is Ubuntu uniquely or exclusively African?
These are controversial issues. For example: in the South African province of KwaZulu-Natal, where Ubuntu is claimed to be part of every day life, violent ethnic and political clashes still occurs frequently—and this is surely not the only example of such clashes on the continent of Africa! How can this be reconciled with Ubuntu?
The apparent anomaly posed by the occurrence of such violent conflicts, significantly fades once one concentrates on the many counter examples. African examples of caring and sharing, and of forgiving and reconciliation abound. Ask any South African. The relatively non-violent transition of the South African society from a totalitarian state to a multi-party democracy, is not merely the result of the compromising negotiations of politicians. It is also—perhaps primarily—the result of the emergence of an ethos of solidarity, a commitment to peaceful co-existence amongst ordinary South Africans in spite of their differences (cf. Van der Merwe, 1996:1). Ubuntu, argues Teffo (1994a) rightly, pervasively serves as a cohesive moral value in the face of adversity. Although the policy of apartheid greatly damaged the overwhelming majority of black South Africans,
...there is no lust for vengeance, no apocalyptic retribution...A yearning for justice, yes, and for release from poverty and oppression, but no dream of themselves becoming the persecutors, of turning the tables of apartheid on white South Africans...The ethos of ubuntu...is one single gift that African philosophy can bequeath on other philosophies of the world...(Teffo, 1994a:5).
Maphisa agrees:
South Africans are slowly re-discovering their common humanity. Gone are the days when people were stripped of their dignity (ubuntu) through harsh laws. Gone are the days when people had to use ubulwane [i.e. animal like behaviour] to uphold or reinforce those laws. I suggest that the transformation of an apartheid South Africa into a democracy is a re-discovery of ubuntu (1994:8).
Ubuntu is thus both a given and a task or desideratum in African societies. It is undoubtedly part and parcel of Africa's cultural heritage. However, it clearly needs to be revitalised in the hearts and minds of some Africans (cf. Teffo, 1995:2; Koka, 1997:15).
In what sense, if any, is Ubuntu then uniquely African? Is Ubuntu only part of the African cultural heritage? Just how distinctly African is the flavour and momentum that Ubuntu could add to the decolonization of the religious other? Is the ethos of Ubuntu in fact the "one single gift that African philosophy can bequeath on other philosophies of the world" (Teffo)?
It would be ethnocentric and, indeed, silly to suggest that the Ubuntu ethic of caring and sharing is uniquely African. After all, the values which Ubuntu seeks to promote, can also be traced in various Eurasian philosophies. This is not to deny the intensity with which these values are given expression by Africans. But, the mere fact that they are intensely expressed by Africans, do not in itself make these values exclusively African.
However, although compassion, warmth, understanding, caring, sharing, humanness et cetera are underscored by all the major world views, ideologies and religions of the world, I would nevertheless like to suggest that Ubuntu serves as a distinctly African rationale for these ways of relating to others. The concept of Ubuntu gives a distinctly African meaning to, and a reason or motivation for, a decolonizing attitude towards the other, including and especially the religious other. As such, it adds a crucial African appeal to the call for the decolonization of the religious other—an appeal without which this call might well go unheeded by many Africans (cf. also Mphahlele, 1974:36; Ndaba, 1994:18-19). In this, and only in this peculiar sense, Ubuntu is of Africans, by Africans and for Africans.
Amid calls for an African Renaissance (cf. Teffo, 1997:19-21), Ubuntu calls on Africans to be true to themselves. It calls for a liberation of Africans—not so much from the colonizing gaze of others, but from colonization per se, i.e. from the practice of colonization, whether of Africans or by Africans. May we heed its call.
Notes
(1) An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Academy of Religion (22-25 Nov. 1997, San Francisco, USA).
(2) Many definitions of Ubuntu have already been given, all of which relate closely to the one given here (cf. Broodryk, 1995:5ff; 1997a:1-2; 1997b:27ff; Prinsloo, 1995:2; 1996:1-2; Sindane, 1994:1-2; Teffo, 1995:1-2). The South African Governmental White Paper on Welfare officially recognises Ubuntu as: "The principle of caring for each other's well-being...and a spirit of mutual support...Each individual's humanity is ideally expressed through his or her relationship with others and theirs in turn through a recognition of the individual's humanity. Ubuntu means that people are people through other people. It also acknowledges both the rights and the responsibilities of every citizen in promoting individual and societal well-being" (Government Gazette, 02/02/1996, No.16943, p.18, paragraph 18—quoted by Broodryk, 1997a:1).
(3) For an explanation of the Ubuntu conception of "extended family", cf. Broodryk (1997a:14; 1997b:70f). However, not all Africans agree on this point. According to some, Ubuntu does not apply to ancestors.
(4) The word "calabash" is also used to refer to the beer container.
(5) In fact, Ubuntu is often defined in religious terms. Cf. for example Koka (1996:2-3).
(6) Viz.: (I) a ngaka ya ditaola (who uses "divine bones" to diagnose ailments and to assist him in deciding which herbs to prescribe); (ii) a ngakatjhitja (who also treats ailments through prescribing herbs, but without the assistance of "divine bones"); (iii) a senohe/isangoma (who treats mentally disturbed patients, a "psychiatrist"); (iv) a monesapula (a "rainmaker"); and (v) the "witch-doctor" (who uses body parts for "medicine" and kills through poisoning, lightning or by sending a thokolosi to do so on his/her behalf). Cf. Lenaka (1995:6).
(7) Who, for the traditional African, include both ancestors and descendants (cf. Teffo, 1994a:8).
(8) Macquarrie is not specifically describing the Ubuntu conception of individuality, but the existentialist conception thereof. However, in this and in many other respects, Ubuntu philosophy overlaps with Existentialism.
(9) Cf. also in this regard a practise called Ledima, where neighbour farmers assist a particular farmer with collecting the harvest, after which the host treats them to slaughtered cows and beer (cf. Broodryk, 1997a:14).
(10) Cf. also Broodryk (1997a:10).
(11) Well, almost any South African. Some of us, usually those still clinging to apartheid philosophies, prefer to overlook these manifestations of Ubuntu.
(12) Some African authors also suggest that African articulations of these values are far older than Western articulations thereof—even that the latter have their roots in the former (cf. for example Ndaba, 1994:12; Koka, 1997:16). However, this somewhat controversial issue falls beyond the scope of this paper.
(13) Cf. in this regard also Prinsloo (1995:2), Ndaba (1994:10, 11), Mbigi (1995:6), Teffo (1994b:4; 1995:2), Koka (1996:2-4, 8; 1997:14), Maphisa (1994:1), Broodryk (1995:31-37) and Sindane (1994:4).
(14) Cf. also Teffo: "The Africanness of Ubuntu is how we localize or express it...Ubuntu will assist us in developing a social approach that suits our situation in relation to our varied cultures and values" (1995:1).
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Ubuntu:
An African Assessment of the Religious Other
Dirk J. LouwUniversity of the Northlouwd@pixie.co.za or dirkl@unin.unorth.ac.za
ABSTRACT: The decolonization of Africa, of which the dismantling of apartheid in South Africa is the most recent example, has led to a greater recognition of the wide variety of religions practising on its soil. When confronted with this plurality, and the corresponding plurality of claims to truth or credibility, believers often resort to absolutism. The absolutist evaluates the religious other in view of criteria which violate the self-understanding of the latter. The religious other is thus being colonized by a hegemony (i.e., an enforced homogeneity) of norms and values. This paper deals with an assessment of the faith of others which transcends absolutism without resorting to relativism. More specifically, it aims to show that an African philosophy and way of life called ‘Ubuntu’ (humanness) significantly overlaps with such a ‘decolonized’ assessment of the religious other, and that this assessment can therefore also be explained, motivated or underscored with reference to the concept of Ubuntu.
Introduction: A decolonized assessment
The decolonization of Africa, of which the dismantling of apartheid in South Africa is a recent example, led to a greater recognition of the wide variety of religions practising on its soil. When confronted with this plurality, and the corresponding plurality of claims to truth or credibility, believers usually resort to either absolutism or relativism. The absolutist evaluates the religious other in view of criteria which violate the self-understanding of the latter. The religious other is thus being colonized by a hegemony (i.e. an enforced homogeneity) of norms and values. In an attempt to transcend this hegemonic colonization, the relativist, on the other hand, simply surrenders the evaluation of beliefs and practices to subjective arbitrariness.
This paper deals with an assessment of the faith of others which transcends absolutism without resorting to relativism. More specifically, it aims to show that an African philosophy and way of life called "Ubuntu" (humanness) significantly overlaps with such a "decolonized" assessment of the religious other, and that this assessment can therefore also be explained, motivated or underscored with reference to the concept of Ubuntu. Much can and has already been said about the presuppositions and requirements of such an assessment. However, for the purposes of this paper I would like to concentrate on only three of these, viz.: (1) a respect for the other as a religious other; (2) an agreement on criteria, i.e. a common scale in view of which the adherents of different religious traditions may jointly judge these traditions; and (3) an interreligious dialogue or "mutual exposure" (cf. Taylor, 1985:125) of beliefs, which as such respects the particularity, individuality and historicality of these beliefs, and from which this common scale will emerge (if at all). I shall now briefly turn to each of these requirements and the way in which they are met by Ubuntu.
(1) Ubuntu and religion
Ubuntu (a Zulu word) serves as the spiritual foundation of African societies. It is a unifying vision or world view enshrined in the Zulu maxim umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu, i.e. "a person is a person through other persons" (Shutte, 1993:46). At bottom, this traditional African aphorism articulates a basic respect and compassion for others. It can be interpreted as both a factual description and a rule of conduct or social ethic. It both describes human being as "being-with-others" and prescribes what "being-with-others" should be all about. As such, Ubuntu adds a distinctly African flavour and momentum to a decolonized assessment of the religious other. In fact, the various overlaps between such an assessment and the African way of life as described/prescribed by Ubuntu, make this assessment nothing but an enactment of the African Ubuntu.
The first important overlap between Ubuntu and a decolonized assessment of the religious other, has to do with a fundamental presupposition of this assessment, viz. a respect for the other as a religious other. While Western Humanism tends to underestimate or even deny the importance of religious beliefs, Ubuntu or African Humanism is resiliently religious (Prinsloo, 1995:4). For the Westerner, the maxim "A person is a person through other persons" has no obvious religious connotations. He/she will probably interpret it as nothing but a general appeal to treat others with respect and decency. However, in African tradition this maxim has a deeply religious meaning. The person one is to become "through other persons" is, ultimately, an ancestor. And, by the same token, these "other persons" include ancestors. Ancestors are extended family. Dying is an ultimate homecoming. Not only the living must therefore share with and care for each other, but the living and the dead depend on each other (Van Niekerk, 1994:2; Ndaba, 1994:13-14).
This accords with the daily experience of many Africans. For example, at a calabash, which is an African ritual which involves the drinking of beer (cf. Broodryk, 1997a:16), a little bit of beer is often poured on the ground for consumption by ancestors. And, as is probably well known, many Africans also belief in God through the mediation of ancestors (Broodryk, 1997a:15). In African society there is an inextricable bond between man, ancestors and whatever is regarded as the Supreme Being. Ubuntu thus inevitably implies a deep respect and regard for religious beliefs and practices (Teffo, 1994a:9).
(2) Ubuntu and consensus
A second important overlap between Ubuntu and a decolonized assessment of the religious other, pertains to the extremely important role which agreement or consensus plays within this assessment. Without a common scale, i.e. without an interreligious agreement or consensus on criteria, the beliefs and practices of the religious other simply cannot be judged without violating them. Ubuntu underscores the importance of agreement or consensus. African traditional culture, it seems, has an almost infinite capacity for the pursuit of consensus and reconciliation (Teffo, 1994a:4). Democracy the African way does not simply boil down to majority rule. Traditional African democracy operates in the form of (sometimes extremely lengthy) discussions (cf. Busia, 1967:28). Although there may be a hierarchy of importance among the speakers, every person gets an equal chance to speak up until some kind of an agreement, consensus or group cohesion is reached. This important aim is expressed by words like simunye ("we are one", i.e. "unity is strength") and slogans like "an injury to one is an injury to all" (Broodryk, 1997a:5, 7, 9).
However, the desire to agree, which—within the context of Ubuntu—is supposed to safeguard the rights and opinions of individuals and minorities, is often exploited to enforce group solidarity. Because of its extreme emphasis on community, Ubuntu democracy might be abused to legitimize what Sono calls the "constrictive nature" or "tyrannical custom" of a derailed African culture, especially its "totalitarian communalism" which "...frowns upon elevating one beyond the community" (1994:xiii, xv). The role of the group in African consciousness, says Sono, could be
...overwhelming, totalistic, even totalitarian. Group psychology, though parochially and narrowly based..., nonetheless pretends universality. This mentality, this psychology is stronger on belief than on reason; on sameness than on difference. Discursive rationality is overwhelmed by emotional identity, by the obsession to identify with and by the longing to conform to. To agree is more important than to disagree; conformity is cherished more than innovation. Tradition is venerated, continuity revered, change feared and difference shunned. Heresies [i.e. the innovative creations of intellectual African individuals, or refusal to participate in communalism] are not tolerated in such communities (1994:7; cf. also Louw, 1995).
In short, although it articulates such important values as respect, human dignity and compassion, the Ubuntu desire for consensus also has a potential dark side in terms of which it demands an oppressive conformity and loyalty to the group. Failure to conform will be met by harsh punitive measures (cf. Mbigi & Maree, 1995:58; Sono, 1994:11, 17; Van Niekerk, 1994:4). Such a derailment of Ubuntu is, of course, quite unnecessary. The process of nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa does not, for example, require universal sameness or oppressive communalism. What it does require, is true Ubuntu. It requires an authentic respect for human/individual rights and related values, and an honest appreciation of differences (Sindane, 1994:7; Degenaar, 1996:23).
(3) Ubuntu and dialogue: particularity, individuality and historicality
This brings me to a third overlap between the Ubuntu way of life and a decolonized assessment of the religious other. As said, the common scale which will allow a decolonized evaluation of the religious other, will only emerge through interreligious dialogue or "mutual exposure". Such exposure epitomizes the conduct prescribed by Ubuntu. Ubuntu inspires us to expose ourselves to others, to encounter the difference of their humanness so as to inform and enrich our own (cf. Sidane, 1994:8-9). Thus understood, umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu translates as: "To be human is to affirm one's humanity by recognising the humanity of others in its infinite variety of content and form" (Van der Merwe, 1996:1). This translation of Ubuntu attests to a respect for particularity, individuality and historicality, without which decolonization cannot be.
The Ubuntu respect for the particularities of the beliefs and practices of others (cf. also Wiredu, 1995), is especially emphasised by a striking, yet (to my mind) lesser-known translation of umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu, viz.: "A human being is a human being through (the otherness of) other human beings" (Van der Merwe, 1996:1— italics mine). For post-apartheid South Africans of all colours, creeds and cultures, Ubuntu dictates that, if we were to be human, we need to recognise the genuine otherness of our fellow citizens. That is, we need to acknowledge the diversity of languages, histories, values and customs, all of which constitute South African society. For example: white South Africans tend to call all traditional African healing practices "witchcraft", and to label all such practitioners as "witchdoctors". However, close attention to the particularities of these practices would have revealed that there are at least five types of doctors in traditional African societies. And of these five, witchdoctors are being singled out as bad by Africans themselves, since they use parts of human bodies for medicine. By contrast, the co-operation of the other traditional healers is vital in primary health care initiatives, such as Aids education, family planning and immunisation programmes (Broodryk, 1997a:15; 1997b:63f). In this sense, but also in a more political sense, the Ubuntu emphasis on respect for particularity is vital for the survival of post-apartheid South Africa. In spite of our newly found democracy, civil or ethnic conflict cannot be ruled out. In fact, our multi-cultural democracy intensifies the various ethnic and socio-cultural differences. While democracy allows for legitimate claims to the institutionalisation of these differences, these claims are easily exploited for selfish political gain (Van der Merwe, 1996:1).
Ubuntu's respect for the particularity of the other, links up closely to its respect for individuality. But, be it noted, the individuality which Ubuntu respects, is not of Cartesian making. On the contrary, Ubuntu directly contradicts the Cartesian conception of individuality in terms of which the individual or self can be conceived without thereby necessarily conceiving the other. The Cartesian individual exists prior to, or separately and independently from the rest of the community or society. The rest of society is nothing but an added extra to a pre-existent and self-sufficient being. This "modernistic" and "atomistic" conception of individuality lies at the bottom of both individualism and collectivism (cf. Macquarrie, 1972:104). Individualism exaggerates seemingly solitary aspects of human existence to the detriment of communal aspects. Collectivism makes the same mistake, only on a larger scale. For the collectivist, society is nothing but a bunch or collection of separately existing, solitary (i.e. detached) individuals.
By contrast, Ubuntu defines the individual in terms of his/her relationship with others (Shutte, 1993:46ff). According to this definition, individuals only exist in their relationships with others, and as these relationships change, so do the characters of the individuals. Thus understood, the word "individual" signifies a plurality of personalities corresponding to the multiplicity of relationships in which the individual in question stands. Being an individual by definition means "being-with-others". "With-others", as Macquarrie rightly observes, "...is not added on to a pre-existent and self-sufficient being; rather, both this being (the self) and the others find themselves in a whole wherein they are already related" (1972:104). This is all somewhat boggling for the Cartesian mind, whose conception of individuality now has to move from solitary to solidarity, from independence to interdependence, from individuality vis-à-vis community to individuality à la community.
In the West, individualism often translates into an impetuous competitiveness. Individual interest rules supreme and society or others are regarded as nothing but a means to individual ends (cf. Khoza, 1994:4, 5, 7; Prinsloo, 1997:2). This is in stark contrast to the African preference for co-operation, group work or shosholoza ("work as one", i.e. team work). There are approximately 800 000 so-called "stokvels" in South Africa. Stokvels are joint undertakings or collective enterprises, such as savings clubs, burial societies and other (often formally registered) cooperatives. The stokvel economy might be described as capitalism with siza (humanness), or, if you like, a socialist form of capitalism. Making a profit is important, but never if it involves the exploitation of others. Profits are shared on an equal basis. As such, stokvels are based on the Ubuntu "extended family system", i.e. all involved should be considered as brothers and sisters, members of the same family (Broodryk, 1997a:4, 11, 13-14; 1997b:38f, 70f; Lukhele, 1990).
To be sure, the Ubuntu conception of individuality does seem contradictory. Ubuntu claims that the self or individual is constituted by its relations with others. But if this is so, what are the relations between? Can persons and personal relations really be equally primordial? (cf. Shutte, 1993:56). African thought addresses this (apparent) contradiction in the idea of seriti, i.e. an energy, power or force which is claimed to both make us ourselves and unite us in personal interaction with others (Shutte, 1993:55). This idea allows us to see the self and others as equiprimordial or as aspects of the same universal field of force. However, as Shutte observes, this "solution" of the contradiction posed by the Ubuntu conception of individuality, comes at a price:
...in the perspective opened up by the African idea of the universe as a field of forces, it is difficult to see how the existing individual can have any enduring reality at all, much less how he [or she - DJL] can be possessed of the freedom and responsibility that is usually reckoned the most valuable mark of personhood (1993:56).
Furthermore, like the Ubuntu desire for consensus, this inclusivist, collectivist or communalist conception of individuality can easily derail into an oppressive collectivism or communalism. This fact has evoked various responses from African authors. For example: while he lauds the "distinctive African" inclination towards collectivism and a collective sense of responsibility, Teffo (1994a:7, 12) is quick to add that the African conception of man does not negate individuality. It merely discourages the view that the individual should take precedence over the community. In the same vein, Khoza (1994:9; cf. also Prinsloo, 1995:4) challenges Ubuntu to create a balance between complete individual autonomy and homonymy, i.e. to broaden respect for the individual and purge collectivism of its negative elements. And Ndaba points out that
the collective consciousness evident in the African culture does not mean that the African subject wallows in a formless, shapeless or rudimentary collectivity...[It] simply means that the African subjectivity develops and thrives in a relational setting provided by ongoing contact and interaction with others (1994:14).
I concur. An oppressive communalism constitutes a derailment, an abuse of Ubuntu. By contrast, true Ubuntu incorporates dialogue, i.e. it incorporates both relation and distance. It preserves the other in his otherness, in his uniqueness, without letting him slip into the distance (cf. Macquarrie, 1972:110; Shutte, 1993:49, 51).
Ndaba's emphasis on the "ongoing-ness" of the contact and interaction with others on which the African subjectivity feeds, points to a final important ingredient of the "mutual exposure" prescribed by Ubuntu, viz. respecting the historicality of the other. Respecting the historicality of the other means respecting his/her dynamic nature or process nature. The flexibility of the other is well noted by Ubuntu. Or, as is sometimes claimed: "For the [African] humanist, life is without absolutes" (Teffo, 1994a:11). An Ubuntu perception of the other is never fixed or rigidly closed, but adjustable or open-ended. It allows the other to be, to become. It acknowledges the irreducibility of the other, i.e. it never reduces the other to any specific characteristic, conduct or function. This accords with the grammar of the concept "Ubuntu" which denotes both a state of being and one of becoming. As a process of self-realization through others, it enhances the self-realization of others (cf. also Broodryk, 1997a:5-7).
Conclusion: The uniqueness of Ubuntu
By highlighting the overlap between Ubuntu and a decolonized assessment of the religious other, I meant to show exactly why Ubuntu might be used to explain, motivate or underscore this decolonization, or why Ubuntu could add a distinctly African flavour and momentum to it. However, my argument will only hold water if what has been described here as a distinctly African philosophy and way of life, does in fact exist as such. Do Africans in fact adhere to Ubuntu or, at least, aspire to do so? And if so, is Ubuntu uniquely or exclusively African?
These are controversial issues. For example: in the South African province of KwaZulu-Natal, where Ubuntu is claimed to be part of every day life, violent ethnic and political clashes still occurs frequently—and this is surely not the only example of such clashes on the continent of Africa! How can this be reconciled with Ubuntu?
The apparent anomaly posed by the occurrence of such violent conflicts, significantly fades once one concentrates on the many counter examples. African examples of caring and sharing, and of forgiving and reconciliation abound. Ask any South African. The relatively non-violent transition of the South African society from a totalitarian state to a multi-party democracy, is not merely the result of the compromising negotiations of politicians. It is also—perhaps primarily—the result of the emergence of an ethos of solidarity, a commitment to peaceful co-existence amongst ordinary South Africans in spite of their differences (cf. Van der Merwe, 1996:1). Ubuntu, argues Teffo (1994a) rightly, pervasively serves as a cohesive moral value in the face of adversity. Although the policy of apartheid greatly damaged the overwhelming majority of black South Africans,
...there is no lust for vengeance, no apocalyptic retribution...A yearning for justice, yes, and for release from poverty and oppression, but no dream of themselves becoming the persecutors, of turning the tables of apartheid on white South Africans...The ethos of ubuntu...is one single gift that African philosophy can bequeath on other philosophies of the world...(Teffo, 1994a:5).
Maphisa agrees:
South Africans are slowly re-discovering their common humanity. Gone are the days when people were stripped of their dignity (ubuntu) through harsh laws. Gone are the days when people had to use ubulwane [i.e. animal like behaviour] to uphold or reinforce those laws. I suggest that the transformation of an apartheid South Africa into a democracy is a re-discovery of ubuntu (1994:8).
Ubuntu is thus both a given and a task or desideratum in African societies. It is undoubtedly part and parcel of Africa's cultural heritage. However, it clearly needs to be revitalised in the hearts and minds of some Africans (cf. Teffo, 1995:2; Koka, 1997:15).
In what sense, if any, is Ubuntu then uniquely African? Is Ubuntu only part of the African cultural heritage? Just how distinctly African is the flavour and momentum that Ubuntu could add to the decolonization of the religious other? Is the ethos of Ubuntu in fact the "one single gift that African philosophy can bequeath on other philosophies of the world" (Teffo)?
It would be ethnocentric and, indeed, silly to suggest that the Ubuntu ethic of caring and sharing is uniquely African. After all, the values which Ubuntu seeks to promote, can also be traced in various Eurasian philosophies. This is not to deny the intensity with which these values are given expression by Africans. But, the mere fact that they are intensely expressed by Africans, do not in itself make these values exclusively African.
However, although compassion, warmth, understanding, caring, sharing, humanness et cetera are underscored by all the major world views, ideologies and religions of the world, I would nevertheless like to suggest that Ubuntu serves as a distinctly African rationale for these ways of relating to others. The concept of Ubuntu gives a distinctly African meaning to, and a reason or motivation for, a decolonizing attitude towards the other, including and especially the religious other. As such, it adds a crucial African appeal to the call for the decolonization of the religious other—an appeal without which this call might well go unheeded by many Africans (cf. also Mphahlele, 1974:36; Ndaba, 1994:18-19). In this, and only in this peculiar sense, Ubuntu is of Africans, by Africans and for Africans.
Amid calls for an African Renaissance (cf. Teffo, 1997:19-21), Ubuntu calls on Africans to be true to themselves. It calls for a liberation of Africans—not so much from the colonizing gaze of others, but from colonization per se, i.e. from the practice of colonization, whether of Africans or by Africans. May we heed its call.
Notes
(1) An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Academy of Religion (22-25 Nov. 1997, San Francisco, USA).
(2) Many definitions of Ubuntu have already been given, all of which relate closely to the one given here (cf. Broodryk, 1995:5ff; 1997a:1-2; 1997b:27ff; Prinsloo, 1995:2; 1996:1-2; Sindane, 1994:1-2; Teffo, 1995:1-2). The South African Governmental White Paper on Welfare officially recognises Ubuntu as: "The principle of caring for each other's well-being...and a spirit of mutual support...Each individual's humanity is ideally expressed through his or her relationship with others and theirs in turn through a recognition of the individual's humanity. Ubuntu means that people are people through other people. It also acknowledges both the rights and the responsibilities of every citizen in promoting individual and societal well-being" (Government Gazette, 02/02/1996, No.16943, p.18, paragraph 18—quoted by Broodryk, 1997a:1).
(3) For an explanation of the Ubuntu conception of "extended family", cf. Broodryk (1997a:14; 1997b:70f). However, not all Africans agree on this point. According to some, Ubuntu does not apply to ancestors.
(4) The word "calabash" is also used to refer to the beer container.
(5) In fact, Ubuntu is often defined in religious terms. Cf. for example Koka (1996:2-3).
(6) Viz.: (I) a ngaka ya ditaola (who uses "divine bones" to diagnose ailments and to assist him in deciding which herbs to prescribe); (ii) a ngakatjhitja (who also treats ailments through prescribing herbs, but without the assistance of "divine bones"); (iii) a senohe/isangoma (who treats mentally disturbed patients, a "psychiatrist"); (iv) a monesapula (a "rainmaker"); and (v) the "witch-doctor" (who uses body parts for "medicine" and kills through poisoning, lightning or by sending a thokolosi to do so on his/her behalf). Cf. Lenaka (1995:6).
(7) Who, for the traditional African, include both ancestors and descendants (cf. Teffo, 1994a:8).
(8) Macquarrie is not specifically describing the Ubuntu conception of individuality, but the existentialist conception thereof. However, in this and in many other respects, Ubuntu philosophy overlaps with Existentialism.
(9) Cf. also in this regard a practise called Ledima, where neighbour farmers assist a particular farmer with collecting the harvest, after which the host treats them to slaughtered cows and beer (cf. Broodryk, 1997a:14).
(10) Cf. also Broodryk (1997a:10).
(11) Well, almost any South African. Some of us, usually those still clinging to apartheid philosophies, prefer to overlook these manifestations of Ubuntu.
(12) Some African authors also suggest that African articulations of these values are far older than Western articulations thereof—even that the latter have their roots in the former (cf. for example Ndaba, 1994:12; Koka, 1997:16). However, this somewhat controversial issue falls beyond the scope of this paper.
(13) Cf. in this regard also Prinsloo (1995:2), Ndaba (1994:10, 11), Mbigi (1995:6), Teffo (1994b:4; 1995:2), Koka (1996:2-4, 8; 1997:14), Maphisa (1994:1), Broodryk (1995:31-37) and Sindane (1994:4).
(14) Cf. also Teffo: "The Africanness of Ubuntu is how we localize or express it...Ubuntu will assist us in developing a social approach that suits our situation in relation to our varied cultures and values" (1995:1).
Bibliography
Broodryk, Johann. 1995. Is Ubuntuism unique?, pp.31-37 in J.G. Malherbe (Ed.), Decolonizing the mind. Pretoria: Research Unit for African Philosophy, UNISA.
Broodryk, Johann. 1997a. Ubuntu management and motivation. Johannesburg: Gauteng Department of Welfare/Pretoria: Ubuntu School of Philosophy.
Broodryk, Johann. 1997b. Ubuntuism as a doctrine for the ordering of society. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, UNISA, Pretoria, South Africa.
Busia, A. 1967. Africa in search of democracy. London: Collins Press.
Degenaar, Johan. 1996. The collapse of unity, pp.5-27 in C W du Tiot (Ed.), New modes of thinking on the eve of a new century: South African perspectives. Pretoria: UNISA.
Khoza, R. 1994. African humanism. Ekhaya Promotions: Diepkloof Extension SA.
Koka, Kgalushi K. 1996. Ubuntu: a peoples' humanness. Midrand: The Afrikan Study Programme/Pretoria: Ubuntu School of Philosophy.
Koka, Kgalushi K. 1997. The Afrikan Renaissance. Midrand: The Afrikan Study Programme/Pretoria: Ubuntu School of Philosophy.
Lenaka, J. 1995. Some misconceptions about cultural differences: Intercultural Communication. Pretoria: Ubuntu School of Philosophy.
Louw, Dirk J. 1995. Decolonization as postmodernization, pp.67-73 in J.G. Malherbe (Ed.), Decolonizing the mind. Pretoria: Research Unit for African Philosophy, UNISA.
Lukhele, A.K. 1990. Stokvels in South Africa. Johannesburg: Amagi Books.
Macquarrie, John. 1972. Existentialism. London: Penguin Books.
Maphisa, Sisho. 1994. Man in constant search of Ubuntu: a dramatist's obsession. Pretoria: Ubuntu School of Philosophy.
Mbigi, Lovemore. 1995. Ubuntu: a rainbow celebration of cultural diversity. Pretoria: Ubuntu School of Philosophy.
Mbigi, L. & Maree, J. 1995. Ubuntu. The spirit of African transformation management. Randburg: Knowledge Resources.
Mphahlele, Ezekial. 1974. The African image. London: Faber & Faber.
Ndaba, W.J. 1994. Ubuntu in comparison to Western philosophies. Pretoria: Ubuntu School of Philosophy.
Prinsloo, E.D. 1995. Ubuntu from a Eurocentric and Afrocentric perspective and its influence on leadership. Pretoria: Ubuntu School of Philosophy.
Prinsloo, E.D. 1997. The Ubuntu concept of caring. Pretoria: Ubuntu School of Philosophy.
Shutte, Augustine. 1993. Philosophy for Africa. Rondebosch, South Africa: UCT Press.
Sindane, Jabu. 1994. Ubuntu and nation building. Pretoria: Ubuntu School of Philosophy.
Sono, Themba. 1994. Dilemmas of African intellectuals in South Africa. Pretoria: UNISA.
Taylor, Charles. 1985. Philosophical papers (vol.2): philosophy and the human sciences. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Teffo, Joe. 1994a. The concept of Ubuntu as a cohesive moral value. Pretoria: Ubuntu School of Philosophy.
Teffo, Joe. 1994b. Towards a conceptualization of Ubuntu. Pretoria: Ubuntu School of Philosophy.
Teffo, Joe. 1995. Resume of Ubuntu/Botho. Pretoria: Ubuntu School of Philosophy.
Teffo, Joe. 1997. An African renaissance—could it be realized?, Woord & daad 37(361).
Van der Merwe, Willie L. 1996. Philosophy and the multi-cultural context of (post)apartheid South Africa, Ethical perspectives 3:2, 1-15.
Van Niekerk, Attie. 1994. Ubuntu and religion. Pretoria: Ubuntu School of Philosophy.
Wiredu, Kwasi. 1995. On decolonizing African religions, pp.178-193 in J.G. Malherbe (Ed.), Decolonizing the mind. Pretoria: Research Unit for African Philosophy, UNISA.
Thursday, November 04, 2004
AMERICAN INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL OF JOHANNESBURGPrivate Bag X 4, Bryanston, 2021, Republic of South Africa Tel: (27) 11-464-1505/6 Fax: (27) 11-464-1327
Back to Pretoria Campus Articles
April 2003Pretoria Campus NewsBy: Ben Weinberg, Site Coordinator
I teach library once a week to each grade at the Pretoria School. Each week we practice a different reading strategy. Every grade began with the strategy of making connections. Connecting new information and ideas with things we already know. First grade is now at the point that they have to be reminded to make their connections in their heads and not out loud. Making connections is what our minds are designed to do. Making connections in our minds is as natural as breathing. Making connections out in the real world is not so easy. Allowing children to experience the power they have to make the world a better place is a vital connection to forge. It is also one of the most difficult experiences to engineer.
Claire, Carly and I lived our early years as a family on an island in Maine. Each June and July we go back. This past July we visited a restaurant on nearby Cranberry Island. A bulletin board in the foyer caught our attention. There were pictures of South Africa and brochures for an organisation called the Ubuntu Education Fund. We took some with us. I wasn’t sure what to do with the information. There was no connection.
In August, teachers wondered if we could have a casual day. Looking at the kids in their AISJ issue shorts and shirts we wondered if they would like to have a dress up day. When I taught in Maine, Casual Day came with a price. Teachers paid one dollar each Friday for the privilege of wearing jeans. The money went into a scholarship program. Why not, I wondered, have teachers and students contribute ten Rands to dress up or dress down. And that is the way Ubuntu Day got started. Each Monday, at the end of our Morning circle, after the greeting and a stretch, we pitch in. Kids, teachers, support staff. From one community to another, we make a connection.
Last Tuesday the co presidents of the Ubuntu Fund visited the school. Jacob Lief and Banks Gwaxula talked with us about the townships school in Port Elizabeth. The kids tried to imagine sitting four to a chair in a school without books. Mr. Banks and Mr. Jacob explained that
Ubuntu is not a word with one definition. It is a word for reaching out to help others in the community. Ubuntu is seeing others as equals. Ubuntu is sharing what we have.
The kids nodded. Someone raised their hand and said, “Just like Martin Luther King.” Mr. Banks and Mr. Jacob told the students that these kids are just like you, they love to learn.
The money we raise each week supports an after school program at one of the township schools. Volunteers from the University of Port Elizabeth work with the children. Our money buys supplies, materials and hope.
Together we are working on developing a pen pal program. The connection will grow and strengthen.
The message for our students is simple. They can make connections. They can make a difference.
Webmaster
Date last modified: 2003-04-03 02:52:16 PM
The money we raise each week supports an after school program at one of the township schools. Volunteers from the University of Port Elizabeth work with the children. Our money buys supplies, materials and hope.
Together we are working on developing a pen pal program. The connection will grow and strengthen.
The message for our students is simple. They can make connections. They can make a difference.
Webmaster
Date last modified: 2003-04-03 02:52:16 PM
Tuesday, May 11, 2004
Ahari amahoro umuhoro uramwa. (Rundi)
Là où il y a la paix une serpette peut raser/couper les cheveux. (French)
Kuliko na amani mundu hunyoa ndevu/hukata nywele. (Swahili)
Where there is peace, a billhook (sickle) can be used to shave your beard or cut your hair. (English)
Rundi (Burundi) Proverb
Found at www.afriprov.org
Background, Explanation and Everyday Use
A billhook (sickle) is a cutting or pruning tool that is made up of a long, usually wooden handle and a curved and sharp blade at the top. In traditional Burundi life it was used to cut grass, small branches off trees, and the like. In contemporary Burundi life it is still used in rural areas, sometimes alongside a panga (machete). Given its nature and function, it was extremely unthinkable that this tool could be used to shave. Probably from historical experiences of internal wars between Hutus and Tutsis or other kinds of socio-political unrest in traditional Burundi and external wars as well with neighboring countries (kingdoms), our ancestors came to realize and appreciate the value of peace.
This proverb was used to convey the message that, where there is peace, everything is possible. In other words, even what people think is impossible can become possible when or where there is peace. A good example is how Burundians knew how to cope with natural calamities such as drought, floods, famine, etc. Because of freedom of movement that is guaranteed by peace, people during famine were able to go to look for food wherever it could be found for their family members. Neighbors could share with those who were in need, whatever it was and however little it was, and life continued. They could eat strange plants or animal meat and in this way they discovered new foodstuffs and they survived. People helped each other in harmony and overcame whatever calamity
Biblical ParallelsThe above proverb has many biblical parallels. Let us consider the following selected ones: Proverbs 17: 1: "Better a dry crust with peace and quiet than a house full of feasting, with strife." Isaiah 32:17: "The fruit of righteousness will be peace; the effect of righteousness will be quietness and confidence forever." Mark 9: 50 "Salt is good, but when it loses its saltiness, how can you make it salty again? Have salt in yourselves, and be at peace with each other." 1 Peter 3: 10: " For whoever would love life and see good days must keep his tongue from evil and do good; he must seek peace and pursue it." Matthew 19:24: It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle than for someone who is rich to enter the kingdom of God."
Contemporary Use and Religious Application
Both the biblical parallels and this Rundi proverb provide an important lesson and reminder to all of us Burundians -- Hutu, Tutsi and Twa alike -- and anyone else, that we need to work hard to keep peace and restore it where it is lacking, for peace is the source of other important things one may want to achieve. The proverb recommends righteousness, love, harmony and peace, as very needful for the comfort of every human life at any time and level, i.e. family level, community level, national level, etc. True comfort is not necessarily in material possessions (although we need them). Material possessions cannot bring true satisfaction to human beings' hearts without peace that could be peace of mind, peace with each other and peace with God, through a godly or righteous life in Jesus Christ our Lord and Savior. For example, one would not be wrong to say that even the richest in Burundi are not really enjoying their riches, as they ought, for they worry day and night for their dear lives. Meaningful development is almost impossible at any level, be it at individual level, family level or national level. Traveling becomes difficult, social relations deteriorate, family breakdowns and other social ills increase. The country continues to become poorer and poorer, and people cannot cope with drought and diseases and other calamities as they used to. People are just desperate, without hope for tomorrow.
In short, when there is no peace, everything becomes problematic and unpromising for everyone, Tutsi, Hutu, Twa, as well as foreigners without any exception. However, hope amidst hopelessness is building up as more and more Burundians and the international community are realizing or remembering the value of peace and as they keep praying and working hard, day and night, in various capacities for the restoration of peace and harmony in Burundi.
As we remember "9-11" (11 September, 2001), the April-May, 2003 war in Iraq, and the 19 African countries presently in a state of civil war, internal unrest and tribalism, let this Rundi proverb inspire us and challenge us to be peacemakers starting in our own homes, local communities and with a spirit to reach around the world.
Note: This is Proverb No. 48 in the Collection of 100 Rundi (Burundi) Proverbs collected by Jean Nyandwi. Endangered African Proverbs Collections: A Continuation of the African Proverbs Project. Nairobi, Kenya: Privately printed, October, 2003. 29 pages.
Jean Nyandwi
University of Nairobi
Nairobi, Kenya
E-mail: njeances2000@yahoo.fr or jeann@worldconcern.org
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
African Proverb of the Month
August, 2003
Là où il y a la paix une serpette peut raser/couper les cheveux. (French)
Kuliko na amani mundu hunyoa ndevu/hukata nywele. (Swahili)
Where there is peace, a billhook (sickle) can be used to shave your beard or cut your hair. (English)
Rundi (Burundi) Proverb
Found at www.afriprov.org
Background, Explanation and Everyday Use
A billhook (sickle) is a cutting or pruning tool that is made up of a long, usually wooden handle and a curved and sharp blade at the top. In traditional Burundi life it was used to cut grass, small branches off trees, and the like. In contemporary Burundi life it is still used in rural areas, sometimes alongside a panga (machete). Given its nature and function, it was extremely unthinkable that this tool could be used to shave. Probably from historical experiences of internal wars between Hutus and Tutsis or other kinds of socio-political unrest in traditional Burundi and external wars as well with neighboring countries (kingdoms), our ancestors came to realize and appreciate the value of peace.
This proverb was used to convey the message that, where there is peace, everything is possible. In other words, even what people think is impossible can become possible when or where there is peace. A good example is how Burundians knew how to cope with natural calamities such as drought, floods, famine, etc. Because of freedom of movement that is guaranteed by peace, people during famine were able to go to look for food wherever it could be found for their family members. Neighbors could share with those who were in need, whatever it was and however little it was, and life continued. They could eat strange plants or animal meat and in this way they discovered new foodstuffs and they survived. People helped each other in harmony and overcame whatever calamity
Biblical ParallelsThe above proverb has many biblical parallels. Let us consider the following selected ones: Proverbs 17: 1: "Better a dry crust with peace and quiet than a house full of feasting, with strife." Isaiah 32:17: "The fruit of righteousness will be peace; the effect of righteousness will be quietness and confidence forever." Mark 9: 50 "Salt is good, but when it loses its saltiness, how can you make it salty again? Have salt in yourselves, and be at peace with each other." 1 Peter 3: 10: " For whoever would love life and see good days must keep his tongue from evil and do good; he must seek peace and pursue it." Matthew 19:24: It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle than for someone who is rich to enter the kingdom of God."
Contemporary Use and Religious Application
Both the biblical parallels and this Rundi proverb provide an important lesson and reminder to all of us Burundians -- Hutu, Tutsi and Twa alike -- and anyone else, that we need to work hard to keep peace and restore it where it is lacking, for peace is the source of other important things one may want to achieve. The proverb recommends righteousness, love, harmony and peace, as very needful for the comfort of every human life at any time and level, i.e. family level, community level, national level, etc. True comfort is not necessarily in material possessions (although we need them). Material possessions cannot bring true satisfaction to human beings' hearts without peace that could be peace of mind, peace with each other and peace with God, through a godly or righteous life in Jesus Christ our Lord and Savior. For example, one would not be wrong to say that even the richest in Burundi are not really enjoying their riches, as they ought, for they worry day and night for their dear lives. Meaningful development is almost impossible at any level, be it at individual level, family level or national level. Traveling becomes difficult, social relations deteriorate, family breakdowns and other social ills increase. The country continues to become poorer and poorer, and people cannot cope with drought and diseases and other calamities as they used to. People are just desperate, without hope for tomorrow.
In short, when there is no peace, everything becomes problematic and unpromising for everyone, Tutsi, Hutu, Twa, as well as foreigners without any exception. However, hope amidst hopelessness is building up as more and more Burundians and the international community are realizing or remembering the value of peace and as they keep praying and working hard, day and night, in various capacities for the restoration of peace and harmony in Burundi.
As we remember "9-11" (11 September, 2001), the April-May, 2003 war in Iraq, and the 19 African countries presently in a state of civil war, internal unrest and tribalism, let this Rundi proverb inspire us and challenge us to be peacemakers starting in our own homes, local communities and with a spirit to reach around the world.
Note: This is Proverb No. 48 in the Collection of 100 Rundi (Burundi) Proverbs collected by Jean Nyandwi. Endangered African Proverbs Collections: A Continuation of the African Proverbs Project. Nairobi, Kenya: Privately printed, October, 2003. 29 pages.
Jean Nyandwi
University of Nairobi
Nairobi, Kenya
E-mail: njeances2000@yahoo.fr or jeann@worldconcern.org
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
African Proverb of the Month
August, 2003
Friday, May 07, 2004
Post Traumatic Slavery Disorder
FROM OSIRIS GROUP WEBSITE
www.osirisgroup.org
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Willie Lynch letter below is used here as a teaching prop to bridge the past to the present psychological development in order to understand how the psyche of African people was altered to support a system of slavery. The system of slavery was developed purely for the economic gain of slave owners and the letter demonstrates the method used to dominate the group.
You are being asked to view and reflect on these readings strictly from a perspective of healing and personal development. If you can imagine you were subjected to this process right now, would you be the same? What about your children? If they were born in this environment could they be capable of clear thinking? Would the self-image of your offspring be positive or negative? Would you have a love for self or your own kind? Now after reading the letter below and reflecting on its content, how would you start to heal the African psyche after these many years of physical and psychological violence?
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Willie Lynch Letter
"Gentlemen. I greet you here on the bank of the James River in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and twelve. First, I shall thank you, the gentlemen of the Colony of Virginia, for bringing me here. I am here to help you solve some of your problems with slaves. Your invitation reached me on my modest plantation in the West Indies, where I have experimented with some of the newest and still the oldest methods for control of slaves. Ancient Rome's would envy us if my program is implemented. As our boat sailed south on the James River, named for our illustrious King, whose version of the Bible we Cherish, I saw enough to know that your problem is not unique. While Rome used cords of wood as crosses for standing human bodies along its highways in great numbers, you are here using the tree and the rope on occasions. I caught the whiff of a dead slave hanging from a tree, a couple miles back. You are not only losing valuable stock by hangings, you are having uprisings, slaves are running away, your crops are sometimes left in the fields too long for maximum profit, You suffer occasional fires, your animals are killed. Gentlemen, you know what your problems are; I do not need to elaborate. I am not here to enumerate your problems, I am here to introduce you to a method of solving them. In my bag here, I have a fool proof method for controlling your black slave. I guarantee every one of you that if installed correctly it will control the slaves for at least 300 hundred years. My method is simple. Any member of your family or your overseer can use it. I have outlined a number of differences among the slaves; and I take these differences and make them bigger. I use fear, distrust and envy for control purposes. These methods have worked on my modest plantation in the West Indies and it will work throughout the South. Take this simple little list of differences and think about them. On top of my list is "age" but it's there only because it starts with an "A." The second is "color" or shade, there is intelligence, size, sex, sizes of plantations, status on plantations, attitude of owners, whether the slaves live in the valley, on a hill, east, west, north, south, have fine hair, course hair, or is tall or short. Now that you have a list of differences, I shall give you a outline of action, but before that, I shall assure you that distrust is stronger than trust and envy is stronger than adulation or admiration. The Black slaves after receiving this indoctrination shall carry on and will become self refueling and self generating for hundreds of years, maybe thousands. Don't forget you must pitch the old black male vs. the young black male, and the young black male against the old black male. You must use the dark skin slaves vs. the light skin slaves, and the light skin slaves vs. the dark skin slaves. You must use the female vs. the male. And the male vs. the female. You must also have you white servants and over- seers distrust all Blacks. But it is necessary that your slaves trust and depend on us. They must love, respect and trust only us. Gentlemen, these kits are your keys to control. Use them. Have your wives and children use them, never miss an opportunity. If used intensely for one year, the slaves themselves will remain perpetually distrustful. Thank you gentlemen."
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Summary
As clinicians our primary question is how do we begin to culturally detox a psyche, which has been contaminated with messages of hate, lies, omission, commissions, false image, false writing etc over 300 years?
The Osiris Group cannot over-emphasize that the focus here is not to elevated the Willie Lynches of this period, but rather to help people completely understand the process of how the psyche of African people was reconfigured by this cultural poisoning. This legacy of self-hatred and self-destruction has been passed to each new generation of African-Americans over several hundred years. Once we understand the process of self-destruction, we can begin to construct a solution to reclaiming the psyche of these damage souls.
FROM OSIRIS GROUP WEBSITE
www.osirisgroup.org
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Willie Lynch letter below is used here as a teaching prop to bridge the past to the present psychological development in order to understand how the psyche of African people was altered to support a system of slavery. The system of slavery was developed purely for the economic gain of slave owners and the letter demonstrates the method used to dominate the group.
You are being asked to view and reflect on these readings strictly from a perspective of healing and personal development. If you can imagine you were subjected to this process right now, would you be the same? What about your children? If they were born in this environment could they be capable of clear thinking? Would the self-image of your offspring be positive or negative? Would you have a love for self or your own kind? Now after reading the letter below and reflecting on its content, how would you start to heal the African psyche after these many years of physical and psychological violence?
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Willie Lynch Letter
"Gentlemen. I greet you here on the bank of the James River in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and twelve. First, I shall thank you, the gentlemen of the Colony of Virginia, for bringing me here. I am here to help you solve some of your problems with slaves. Your invitation reached me on my modest plantation in the West Indies, where I have experimented with some of the newest and still the oldest methods for control of slaves. Ancient Rome's would envy us if my program is implemented. As our boat sailed south on the James River, named for our illustrious King, whose version of the Bible we Cherish, I saw enough to know that your problem is not unique. While Rome used cords of wood as crosses for standing human bodies along its highways in great numbers, you are here using the tree and the rope on occasions. I caught the whiff of a dead slave hanging from a tree, a couple miles back. You are not only losing valuable stock by hangings, you are having uprisings, slaves are running away, your crops are sometimes left in the fields too long for maximum profit, You suffer occasional fires, your animals are killed. Gentlemen, you know what your problems are; I do not need to elaborate. I am not here to enumerate your problems, I am here to introduce you to a method of solving them. In my bag here, I have a fool proof method for controlling your black slave. I guarantee every one of you that if installed correctly it will control the slaves for at least 300 hundred years. My method is simple. Any member of your family or your overseer can use it. I have outlined a number of differences among the slaves; and I take these differences and make them bigger. I use fear, distrust and envy for control purposes. These methods have worked on my modest plantation in the West Indies and it will work throughout the South. Take this simple little list of differences and think about them. On top of my list is "age" but it's there only because it starts with an "A." The second is "color" or shade, there is intelligence, size, sex, sizes of plantations, status on plantations, attitude of owners, whether the slaves live in the valley, on a hill, east, west, north, south, have fine hair, course hair, or is tall or short. Now that you have a list of differences, I shall give you a outline of action, but before that, I shall assure you that distrust is stronger than trust and envy is stronger than adulation or admiration. The Black slaves after receiving this indoctrination shall carry on and will become self refueling and self generating for hundreds of years, maybe thousands. Don't forget you must pitch the old black male vs. the young black male, and the young black male against the old black male. You must use the dark skin slaves vs. the light skin slaves, and the light skin slaves vs. the dark skin slaves. You must use the female vs. the male. And the male vs. the female. You must also have you white servants and over- seers distrust all Blacks. But it is necessary that your slaves trust and depend on us. They must love, respect and trust only us. Gentlemen, these kits are your keys to control. Use them. Have your wives and children use them, never miss an opportunity. If used intensely for one year, the slaves themselves will remain perpetually distrustful. Thank you gentlemen."
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Summary
As clinicians our primary question is how do we begin to culturally detox a psyche, which has been contaminated with messages of hate, lies, omission, commissions, false image, false writing etc over 300 years?
The Osiris Group cannot over-emphasize that the focus here is not to elevated the Willie Lynches of this period, but rather to help people completely understand the process of how the psyche of African people was reconfigured by this cultural poisoning. This legacy of self-hatred and self-destruction has been passed to each new generation of African-Americans over several hundred years. Once we understand the process of self-destruction, we can begin to construct a solution to reclaiming the psyche of these damage souls.
Thursday, May 06, 2004
PT SlaveryD
"About Post Traumatic Slavery Disorder"
BY Larry Higgenbottem, The Osiris Group
As one of the authors who wrote Post Traumatic Slavery Disorder, I want to take a moment to let you know why Sekou Mims M.Ed, MSW; Omar Reid, Psy.D and I got together to write this book. After much discussion about what was working and what wasn't working among the African-American youth and adults we were counseling, we were finding patterns of behavior that we concluded were consistent with an orientation in the institution of slavery. Our primary reason for writing this book was to begin the process of bringing about a psychological healing through discussion, training and teaching. The information was too vast to put into any other form of presentation, that could be shared with the public.
This book was designed to create a new lens for our peers, client's, educators and youth workers to assess and counsel self-destructive behaviors.
After several years of working with large groups of youth and adults at the Mattahunt Community Center, Roxbury Boys and Girls Club, Department of Social Services (DSS), Department of Youth Services (DYS), Roxbury Court Clinic, Dorchester Counseling Center, Roxbury Comprehensive Methadone Clinic, the Boston Public Schools and Youth Opportunities Boston; it became clear that traditional methods of assessing behavior were inaccurate.
Youth were being misdiagnosed and universally placed in Lab Clusters, Special Education Centers and Alternative Schools where they were being systematically stigmatized, medicated and put into DSS, DYS and other containment facilities where those additional interventions also did not work.
Upon close examination we found that a large percentage of inaccurate psychosocial assessments had taken place. Two different psychological developments had occurred and they were clashing when they came together.
On the one hand, abhorrent behavior being displayed by youth (and adults) was really inappropriate cultural and social grooming. We found that ill manners and other negative behaviors displayed by youth ( and adults) had a direct origin from the acculturation of the slavery process.
The negative symptomatology (combined symptoms of a disorder) that blacks display today has its origins in the institution of slavery-which was never addressed for remediation.
On the other hand inaccurate diagnosis were continually being formulated from clinicians who were socially groomed from a Euro-Affluent acculturation. Sigmund Freud never intended what we know today as psycho-therapy to be applied to the masses. Freud's methods were designed for affluent people who were socially and culturally groomed to inter-reflect with a cognitive awareness of moods and affect.
This inaccurate diagnosis also stemmed from the institution of slavery which promoted a sense of superiority of intellect when it came to the 'white' psyche.
We (academically educated clinicians, counselors, social workers, social psychiatrists, psychologists, etc. of all colors) were being asked to take a Euro-American, suburban, middle class, experience and superimpose it on an Afro-American experience.
We published Post Traumatic Slavery Disorder because we wanted to present our material as a curriculum to body of professionals who have been working in the trenches for years with our people: who know the traditional diagnosis are not working and, who need to have an alternative lens from which to diagnose current symptomatology. We believed then, as we do now that if the elder members of the Black Social Workers connected with our assertion then these social workers would understand that there has never been a period of mourning, grief, remorsefulness or regret for the physical and psychological violence on the psyche of African people; and that this unresolved psychological trauma is still enduring. There has never been an effort to start the psychological healing. We presented Post-Traumatic Slavery Disorder before five-hundred (500) Black Social Workers in attendance at the 2002, New Mexico symposium. This group of black professionals more than validated us, they encouraged us to take our message directly to the black community so that this process of healing could begin to take place. Since then, we have presented Post-Traumatic Slavery Disorder to smaller audiences at Simmons College; Roxbury Community College; The Roxbury Action Program. In addition, we have presented Post-Traumatic Slavery Disorder before local, national and international television and national talk radio.
As we begin to start the healing process we must confront and examine the conditioning we were subjected to in the past, which is still a part of our present psyche. The Willie lynch letter a remnant of the extreme disregard of the human sanctity of the mind, spirit and body used by slave owners. It is important to understand where the disintegration of the mind, body and spirit of African-People began in order start to reconstruct the psyche of an entire people. As difficult and offensive as the language in this letter may be, I use this letter not to incite emotions, right or wrong or even good verses evil, but simply to understand from a human development perspective the degeneration process the African psyche has undergone to arrive in its current condition. The Willie Lynch letter is an excellent tool to help clinicians and the black populous as a whole begin for the first time to understand the tremendous psychological violence the psyche of our people has been subjective to. More importantly I believe it is a blue print for understanding the conditioning we were and currently are subjected to which needs to be undone to bring us toward healing. Please refer to the Willie Lynch letter.
"About Post Traumatic Slavery Disorder"
BY Larry Higgenbottem, The Osiris Group
As one of the authors who wrote Post Traumatic Slavery Disorder, I want to take a moment to let you know why Sekou Mims M.Ed, MSW; Omar Reid, Psy.D and I got together to write this book. After much discussion about what was working and what wasn't working among the African-American youth and adults we were counseling, we were finding patterns of behavior that we concluded were consistent with an orientation in the institution of slavery. Our primary reason for writing this book was to begin the process of bringing about a psychological healing through discussion, training and teaching. The information was too vast to put into any other form of presentation, that could be shared with the public.
This book was designed to create a new lens for our peers, client's, educators and youth workers to assess and counsel self-destructive behaviors.
After several years of working with large groups of youth and adults at the Mattahunt Community Center, Roxbury Boys and Girls Club, Department of Social Services (DSS), Department of Youth Services (DYS), Roxbury Court Clinic, Dorchester Counseling Center, Roxbury Comprehensive Methadone Clinic, the Boston Public Schools and Youth Opportunities Boston; it became clear that traditional methods of assessing behavior were inaccurate.
Youth were being misdiagnosed and universally placed in Lab Clusters, Special Education Centers and Alternative Schools where they were being systematically stigmatized, medicated and put into DSS, DYS and other containment facilities where those additional interventions also did not work.
Upon close examination we found that a large percentage of inaccurate psychosocial assessments had taken place. Two different psychological developments had occurred and they were clashing when they came together.
On the one hand, abhorrent behavior being displayed by youth (and adults) was really inappropriate cultural and social grooming. We found that ill manners and other negative behaviors displayed by youth ( and adults) had a direct origin from the acculturation of the slavery process.
The negative symptomatology (combined symptoms of a disorder) that blacks display today has its origins in the institution of slavery-which was never addressed for remediation.
On the other hand inaccurate diagnosis were continually being formulated from clinicians who were socially groomed from a Euro-Affluent acculturation. Sigmund Freud never intended what we know today as psycho-therapy to be applied to the masses. Freud's methods were designed for affluent people who were socially and culturally groomed to inter-reflect with a cognitive awareness of moods and affect.
This inaccurate diagnosis also stemmed from the institution of slavery which promoted a sense of superiority of intellect when it came to the 'white' psyche.
We (academically educated clinicians, counselors, social workers, social psychiatrists, psychologists, etc. of all colors) were being asked to take a Euro-American, suburban, middle class, experience and superimpose it on an Afro-American experience.
We published Post Traumatic Slavery Disorder because we wanted to present our material as a curriculum to body of professionals who have been working in the trenches for years with our people: who know the traditional diagnosis are not working and, who need to have an alternative lens from which to diagnose current symptomatology. We believed then, as we do now that if the elder members of the Black Social Workers connected with our assertion then these social workers would understand that there has never been a period of mourning, grief, remorsefulness or regret for the physical and psychological violence on the psyche of African people; and that this unresolved psychological trauma is still enduring. There has never been an effort to start the psychological healing. We presented Post-Traumatic Slavery Disorder before five-hundred (500) Black Social Workers in attendance at the 2002, New Mexico symposium. This group of black professionals more than validated us, they encouraged us to take our message directly to the black community so that this process of healing could begin to take place. Since then, we have presented Post-Traumatic Slavery Disorder to smaller audiences at Simmons College; Roxbury Community College; The Roxbury Action Program. In addition, we have presented Post-Traumatic Slavery Disorder before local, national and international television and national talk radio.
As we begin to start the healing process we must confront and examine the conditioning we were subjected to in the past, which is still a part of our present psyche. The Willie lynch letter a remnant of the extreme disregard of the human sanctity of the mind, spirit and body used by slave owners. It is important to understand where the disintegration of the mind, body and spirit of African-People began in order start to reconstruct the psyche of an entire people. As difficult and offensive as the language in this letter may be, I use this letter not to incite emotions, right or wrong or even good verses evil, but simply to understand from a human development perspective the degeneration process the African psyche has undergone to arrive in its current condition. The Willie Lynch letter is an excellent tool to help clinicians and the black populous as a whole begin for the first time to understand the tremendous psychological violence the psyche of our people has been subjective to. More importantly I believe it is a blue print for understanding the conditioning we were and currently are subjected to which needs to be undone to bring us toward healing. Please refer to the Willie Lynch letter.
Saturday, April 24, 2004
AVP-REAL ALTERNATIVES TO VIOLENCE FOR EVERYONE! EVERYWHERE!
AVP-RAVE AT DYAMBU YOUTH DETENTION FACILITY IN JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH AFRICA!
The first AVP workshop was organized due to a perceived need to counter youth violence. However, during its early years, AVP focused on adults. The program as presented in the general Manuals works well down to 16 y.o., and some of 14 and 15 have fit in well in a workshop with older participants.
Due to widespread interest in youth workshops, an AVP Youth Manual has been published. This manual, and the workshops it addresses, are tailored to 10-16 year-olds.
AVP has always had an association with other youth and children's programs, such as CCRC (Children's Creative Response to Conflict) and HIPP (Help Increase the Peace Project, see: www.afsc.org/hipp.htm).
An emerging youth entity comprised of AVP facilitators, RAVE (Real Alternatives to Violence for Everyone), has been conducting workshops in New Jersey.
Where, and for whom have Youth Workshops been done?
Juvenile Justice "clients" & Young Offender Centers
School Rooms: part of the curriculum or special class
Teen Moms groups
Retreats
Street Gangs & Gang Exit Programs
This AVP Facilitator has co-led RAVE workshops at Dyambu Youth Detention Facility in South Africa.
Pax, Frederica Azania Clare [Azaniaphile]
AVP-RAVE AT DYAMBU YOUTH DETENTION FACILITY IN JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH AFRICA!
The first AVP workshop was organized due to a perceived need to counter youth violence. However, during its early years, AVP focused on adults. The program as presented in the general Manuals works well down to 16 y.o., and some of 14 and 15 have fit in well in a workshop with older participants.
Due to widespread interest in youth workshops, an AVP Youth Manual has been published. This manual, and the workshops it addresses, are tailored to 10-16 year-olds.
AVP has always had an association with other youth and children's programs, such as CCRC (Children's Creative Response to Conflict) and HIPP (Help Increase the Peace Project, see: www.afsc.org/hipp.htm).
An emerging youth entity comprised of AVP facilitators, RAVE (Real Alternatives to Violence for Everyone), has been conducting workshops in New Jersey.
Where, and for whom have Youth Workshops been done?
Juvenile Justice "clients" & Young Offender Centers
School Rooms: part of the curriculum or special class
Teen Moms groups
Retreats
Street Gangs & Gang Exit Programs
This AVP Facilitator has co-led RAVE workshops at Dyambu Youth Detention Facility in South Africa.
Pax, Frederica Azania Clare [Azaniaphile]
Tuesday, April 20, 2004
AFRICAN PSYCHOLOGY CAN BE FOUND IN AFRICAN PROVERBS...THE OLDEST WISDOM ON RECORD! If you want it www.afriprov.org has made it easy for you to get it. Sangoma Azania (Elder) Check the site regularly and take its contents to heart and to mind...that's psychology! Pax Azania
African Proverb for the Month - April 2004
18 Apr. 04
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Hano wangere iyomokoro oregeenda bwire. (Kuria)
Kama ukikataa la mkuu utatembea mpaka machweo. (Swahili)
If you refuse the advice of an elder you will walk until sunset. (English)
Kuria (Kenya, Tanzania) Proverb
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